Families are changing rapidly in OECD countries. Only a few decades ago, most families in most OECD countries followed the traditional married‑couple male‑breadwinner model. Many couples married in their twenties and settled down to have children soon after. Birth rates were high by today’s standards (if already falling), and separation and divorce were relatively uncommon. Paid work within the family was dominated by the male partner; many women left work on marriage or parenthood, and often did not return to the labour market until after their children had left education, if at all.

Korea is a changing society. Over the past 60 years, strong economic development has made Korea the ninth largest economy in the world. Korea’s men and women are among the most highly educated in the world. Gains in opportunities outside of marriage – in the labour market and in wider society – together with the increasing costs of raising children mean that the traditional marriage package – the male breadwinner notion – has lost its appeal to many young women, especially those with high levels of educational attainment. Nevertheless, childbirth remains strongly associated with marriage. Thus, the barriers young people face in finding a partner while establishing themselves in the labour market contribute to declining fertility. Indeed, total fertility rates have dropped from six children per woman on average in 1960 to just below one child per woman in 2018. At the same time, greater wealth and better access to health supports have contributed to rapid gains in life expectancy: Korea faces the fastest rate of population ageing across the OECD.

This chapter provides an overview of the main findings from the review. It briefly illustrates changes in Korean society, in Korean households, in marriage, and in fertility. It discusses the role of various factors such as the fierce competition to get ahead in education, and at a later stage, to get access to the best jobs, the strong division in the labour market between regular workers with job security and low‑paid, non‑regular workers, and issues around affordable housing. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the dynamic Korean policy response, which includes the rapid development of an extensive Early Childhood Education and Care system that is widely used and a parental leave system that is not. The chapter ends with a summary of policy recommendations that may contribute to a rejuvenation of Korean society.

Korean families are changing fast. Fertility is low and falling rapidly. Koreans are marrying and starting families later than ever before. Couple‑with‑children households, the dominant household type in Korea until only recently, will soon make up fewer than one-quarter of all households. The Korean population, still one of the OECD’s youngest, will soon be among its oldest.This chapter provides an outline of the many ways in which families are changing in Korea. It covers developments in demographics and family structure, shifts in attitudes towards marriage, parenthood, family, gender roles, and changes in Korean public support for the family, with particular emphasis on changing financial supports.

This chapter discusses how the highly segmented labour market shapes work‑life balance issues in Korea. It shows that women are over-represented in non‑regular and low‑wage employment, which provides limited coverage to maternity and parental leave benefits. Long working hours also challenge work/life balance issues, especially in conjunction with the often considerable commutes and the prevailing “socialising after work culture”. The chapter discusses recent measures to retain women in the labour market, help them return to work after a long interruption, and/or reduce excessive working hours. Policies which could help achieve a better balance between work and family life include: i) increasing the use of maternity and parental leave; ii) expanding opportunities to work part‑time; iii) promoting greater working time flexibility; iv) tackling discrimination effectively; and v) strengthening affirmative measures to promote gender equality in employment.

This chapter looks at the formal education and care practices in Korea. It first establishes how much time Korean children spent in formal care and education services, including the system of private education services that is widely used as from an early age. The chapter considers the rapid and remarkable development of Korea’s extensive Early Childhood Education and Care (ECEC) system as well as the supports for Out-of-Schools Hours Care (OSH). It also considers how the focus in ECEC- and OSH-care services is increasing on improving quality.The fierce competitive nature of the education environment in Korea has implications for the cost of education to household budgets, but also on the well-being of Children. This final section of this Chapter considers implications for child well-being, and discusses issues around achieving a greater “child-focus” in policy development.

This chapter describes the dynamics that led Korea to a fertility rate of 0.98 children per woman in 2018, which is the lowest among OECD countries. The strong segmentation of the labour market, changing attitudes towards marriage and children, and insufficient support to secure the transition to adulthood are key factors explaining the persistence of low fertility in Korea. Job insecurity, the cost of housing and education also limit fertility. To reverse the trend, Korea could consider: i) providing more support for young people to find affordable housing and enter the labour market; ii) increasing the rate of payment for parental leave and providing it with a “speed premium” as it exists in Sweden; iii) increasing flexibility in working hours (including more opportunities for part‑time work); and iv) investing more in the well-being of families.